Punkts pa punktam


Ļoti labi strukturēts, faktiski programmātisks Luka Kofija izpētes raksts no Heritage Foundation must read sērijas par ASV, NATO un Baltijas valstu sadarbību drošības jomā.

Ieskatam:

“(..) While U.S.–Baltic relations look healthy prima facie, the Baltics, like many of their Central and Eastern European neighbors, have concerns about the future of the transatlantic relationship. There is a general view among officials in the region that the U.S. is relegating its relations with Europe to a lower priority. This concern is not unfounded and is demonstrated by:

  • A lack of European focus in the U.S. Department of Defense’s guidance document. Issued in January 2012 and titled “Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century Defense,” the guidance document contains barely a mention of Europe. In the whole 16-page document—one designed to give the U.S. armed forces and the civilians supporting them the Defense Secretary’s broad vision and policy priorities—Europe and NATO receive one short paragraph, and neither Europe nor NATO is mentioned in President Obama’s foreword to the document.
  • A lack of U.S. enthusiasm for NATO enlargement. This is a particularly important issue to the Baltic states, which have experienced the benefits of NATO enlargement firsthand and see NATO’s open-door policy as critical to mobilizing Europe and its allies around a collective transatlantic defense. President Obama is on track to be the first U.S. President since the end of the Cold War not to oversee NATO enlargement on his watch.
  • The so-called pivot to Asia. The way this policy announcement was handled has left many government officials and commentators in Europe, especially Central and Eastern Europe, wondering what the policy means in practice for America’s commitment to transatlantic security. Although there has been little, if any, net increase in U.S. military capability in Asia, there is a perception that any increase in Asia will come at the expense of NATO and Europe.
  • The cancellation of key missile defense components. When the Obama Administration abruptly cancelled the emplacement of missile-defense components in the Czech Republic and Poland, commonly referred to as the Third Site, in 2009, those two countries felt as if the rug had been pulled out from underneath them. This was especially the case after both had offered unwavering support for missile defense in spite of staunch Russian opposition. In 2013, the Administration announced that it was cancelling the fourth phase in the European Phased Adaptive Approach (EPAA) planned for Eastern Europe. Neither decision was received well in the region.
  • The reduction of U.S. forces in Europe. In April 2011, the White House announced it was cancelling a George W. Bush Administration–era decision to bring two Brigade Combat Teams (BCTs) back from Europe and would only remove one BCT—in part to ensure that the U.S. could meet its commitments to NATO. Only nine months later, the Obama Administration did an about-face and announced the removal of two BCTs. The last 22 remaining U.S. main battle tanks left Germany in March 2013, and for the first time in 69 years there is not a single U.S. tank on European soil. The Baltic states view the presence of U.S. troops in Europe as a deterrent to any potential adversary in the region. Lithuania’s 2012 National Security Strategy even states that the U.S. military presence in Europe is “the key guarantee of security of the Republic of Lithuania.”
  • Lack of U.S. participation in NATO’s Steadfast Jazz exercise. NATO’s Steadfast Jazz exercise is considered to be one of the most important Article 5 training exercises since the end of the Cold War. There is a concern by many in Poland and the Baltics that the U.S. is not taking NATO’s Steadfast Jazz exercise seriously. Part of the White House’s justification for removing so many troops from Europe is that they will be replaced with rotational forces from the United States. Of the 6,000 NATO troops participating in the exercise, only approximately 200 are U.S. soldiers. Of these, about 40 are part of the rotational brigade based in the U.S. The remainder come from U.S. forces already in Europe. (..)”

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